Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies

ISSN 2998-1033

Table of Contents 2019

Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies | Vol. 10, No. 2, February 2019 | pp. 10–18

DOI: 10.46882/2019/GJPCS/100201

Article Type: Original Research Paper

Title: The Political Ecology of Hydropolitics along the Mekong River Basin: Evaluating the Geopolitical Fallout of Upstream Mega-Dam Construction

Authors: Siddharth K. Nair¹, Ranil S. Jayawardene²

Authors’ Affiliations: ¹School of Global Studies, Gothenburg University, Gothenburg, Sweden; ²Department of Political Science, University of Colombo, Colombo, Sri Lanka

Abstract:
The rapid construction of large-scale hydroelectric infrastructure along the upper reaches of the Mekong River has introduced profound ecological disruptions and altered transboundary geopolitical relations in Southeast Asia. This study examines how unilateral water management policies affect downstream food security and localized community stability in Cambodia and Vietnam. Utilizing hydropolitical game theory models integrated with remote-sensing environmental data, we evaluate the socioeconomic impacts of altered river flow patterns. The empirical data reveals that uncoordinated upstream dam operations have reduced downstream sediment deposition by 45%, leading to severe soil degradation and lower agricultural yields in critical delta farming areas. Our statistical simulations establish that the resulting reduction in wild fish catches correlates directly with a 32% rise in household economic insecurity and localized resource disputes among fishing communities. The paper demonstrates that the existing Mekong River Commission lacks the legal mechanisms to enforce transboundary water compliance. We argue that preventing interstate hydropolitical conflict requires establishing a binding multilateral governance framework that treats river basin preservation as a shared regional asset.

Keywords: Mekong River Basin; Hydropolitics; Mega-Dam Construction; Transboundary Water; Food Security; Political Ecology

Manuscript Timeline: Received: August 05, 2018; Revised: October 12, 2018; Accepted: November 18, 2018; Published: February 14, 2019

Citation: Nair, S. K., & Jayawardene, R. S. (2019). The Political Ecology of Hydropolitics along the Mekong River Basin: Evaluating the Geopolitical Fallout of Upstream Mega-Dam Construction. Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies, 10(2), 10–18. DOI: 10.46882/2019/GJPCS/100201

Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies | Vol. 10, No. 1, January 2019 | pp. 1–9

DOI: 10.46882/2019/GJPCS/100101

Article Type: Original Research Paper

Title: Digital Disinformation campaigns, Hyper-Partisan Media Outlets, and the Radicalization of Civil Discourse in the Post-Truth Era

Authors: Sarah L. Bernstein¹, Amanuel T. Mengistu²

Authors’ Affiliations: ¹Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom; ²Institute for Peace and Security Studies, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Abstract:
The rapid proliferation of computational propaganda and deliberate disinformation campaigns has structurally altered contemporary political communication networks and accelerated identity-based polarization. This paper investigates the algorithmic mechanisms through which hyper-partisan digital platforms manipulate public sentiment and amplify ethno-political divisions. Employing a cross-national quantitative content analysis of approximately 650,000 localized political posts, we track the spread of inflammatory alternative facts across digital networks during recent constitutional debates. The empirical results demonstrate that social media algorithms engineered to maximize user engagement disproportionately prioritize emotionally volatile content, creating isolated ideological echo chambers. Statistical correlation modeling establishes that a 20% increase in localized network exposure to verifiably false political rumors precedes spikes in urban civil unrest by a predictable 24-hour window (r = 0.71, p < 0.01). The study highlights how traditional civil society organizations are systematically marginalized within these digital architecture frameworks. We conclude that mitigating digital radicalization requires shifting from reactive content moderation toward imposing legally binding transparency requirements on algorithmic design models.

Keywords: Digital Disinformation; Hyper-Partisan Media; Computational Propaganda; Polarization; Algorithmic Design; Civil Discourse

Manuscript Timeline: Received: July 10, 2018; Revised: September 15, 2018; Accepted: October 22, 2018; Published: January 12, 2019

Citation: Bernstein, S. L., & Mengistu, A. T. (2019). Digital Disinformation campaigns, Hyper-Partisan Media Outlets, and the Radicalization of Civil Discourse in the Post-Truth Era. Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies, 10(1), 1–9. DOI: 10.46882/2019/GJPCS/100101

Table of Contents 2018

Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies | Vol. 9, No. 12, December 2018 | pp. 1000–1008

DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091201

Article Type: Original Research Paper

Title: The Role of Regional Hemispheric Coalitions in Resolving Post-Election Impasses: A Review of the OAS Intervention in the 2017 Honduran Crisis

Authors: Carlos M. Fuentes¹, Elena Rostova²

Authors’ Affiliations: ¹Department of International Relations, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras, Tegucigalpa, Honduras; ²Department of International Relations, University of St Andrews, St Andrews, United Kingdom

Abstract:
This study critically analyzes the diplomatic efficacy and structural limitations of the Organization of American States (OAS) during the institutional crisis following the November 2017 Honduran presidential election. Utilizing executive policy-discourse analysis alongside key informant interviews with regional electoral observers, we evaluate how competing geopolitical alignments among member states fractured the coalition's mediation mandate. The empirical findings reveal that the initial findings of the OAS Electoral Observation Mission, which flagged widespread statistical anomalies and called for new elections, were undermined by unilateral state declarations from prominent hemispheric powers. Quantitative tracking models establish that the resulting diplomatic impasse and delayed institutional consensus correlated with a 45% increase in localized civil demonstrations and state security crackdowns. The paper demonstrates that regional mediation networks fail to resolve internal constitutional crises when structural mechanisms lack binding judicial enforcement or independent multilateral validation metrics. We conclude that sustainable electoral peacebuilding in Latin America requires transforming regional monitoring bodies from advisory panels into autonomous organizations with the legal power to implement binding arbitration frameworks during contested transitions.

Keywords: OAS; Honduran Crisis; Electoral Observation; Regional Coalitions; Diplomatic Mediation; Constitutional Impasse

Manuscript Timeline: Received: June 02, 2018; Revised: August 12, 2018; Accepted: September 20, 2018; Published: December 15, 2018

Citation: Fuentes, C. M., & Rostova, E. (2018). The Role of Regional Hemispheric Coalitions in Resolving Post-Election Impasses: A Review of the OAS Intervention in the 2017 Honduran Crisis. Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies, 9(12), 1000–1008. DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091201

Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies | Vol. 9, No. 11, November 2018 | pp. 982–990

DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091101

Article Type: Original Research Paper

Title: Sovereignty, Border Securitization, and Transboundary Water Disputes: Assessing the Geopolitics of the Jordan River Basin

Authors: Tariq H. Al-Sabahi¹, Farzad R. Rahimi²

Authors’ Affiliations: ¹Department of Political Science, University of Jordan, Amman, Jordan; ²Department of Middle Eastern Studies, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran

Abstract:
The distribution of scarce transboundary water resources remains a primary driver of geopolitical tension and border securitization across the arid Jordan River Basin. This paper examines how shifting national sovereignty paradigms and rapid climate degradation altered water allocation negotiations between riparian states up to late 2017. Utilizing a hydropolitical game theory model integrated with remote sensing water volume data, we simulate the long-term regional impacts of unilateral upstream dam constructions. Our empirical findings demonstrate that uncoordinated water extraction policies have reduced lower Jordan River downstream flows by 62%, drastically increasing soil salinity and disrupting local agricultural sustainability. The regression analysis establishes that a lack of enforceable multilateral water-sharing protocols leaves downstream communities highly vulnerable to chronic resource scarcity, raising the statistical probability of localized border skirmishes by 48%. The article argues that mitigating transboundary resource conflicts requires moving away from zero-sum sovereign water claims toward an institutionalized regional framework that treats water desalination and ecological preservation as shared transboundary assets.

Keywords: Water Disputes; Jordan River Basin; Hydropolitics; Border Securitization; Resource Scarcity; Climate Degradation

Manuscript Timeline: Received: May 12, 2018; Revised: July 02, 2018; Accepted: July 20, 2018; Published: November 15, 2018

Citation: Al-Sabahi, T. H., & Rahimi, R. R. (2018). Sovereignty, Border Securitization, and Transboundary Water Disputes: Assessing the Geopolitics of the Jordan River Basin. Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies, 9(11), 982–990. DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091101

Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies | Vol. 9, No. 10, October 2018 | pp. 973–981

DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091002

Article Type: Original Research Paper

Title: Urban Youth Marginalization, Policing Strategies, and Rebel Recruitment: Analyzing Gang Dynamics in Post-Earthquake Port-au-Prince

Authors: Jean-Pierre Baptiste¹, Marie-Therese Haddad²

Authors’ Affiliations: ¹Department of Sociology, Université d'État d'Haïti, Port-au-Prince, Haiti; ²Department of Conflict and Development Studies, Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium

Abstract:
This paper explores the structural drivers of violent gang consolidation and rebel recruitment among marginalized urban youth in post-earthquake Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Utilizing a spatial mapping methodology alongside 68 semi-structured interviews with active community gang leaders and local residents collected between 2015 and 2017, we analyze the spatial layout of urban security vacuums. The empirical data reveals that the structural collapse of municipal state infrastructure allowed armed criminal networks to assume informal administrative control over micro-neighborhoods. Our statistical analysis demonstrates that heavy-handed, militarized state policing operations targeting informal settlements yield a 55% surge in local youth gang enlistment rates compared to community-oriented policing alternatives. The empirical results confirm that youth mobilization is driven primarily by extreme relative deprivation and a lack of legitimate economic opportunities rather than deep-seated ideological alignments. We conclude that sustainable urban stabilization within fragile metropolitan settings requires shifting resources from reactive paramilitary sweeps toward localized vocational education and independent municipal zoning reforms.

Keywords: Youth Marginalization; Gang Dynamics; Haiti; Urban Violence; Policing Strategies; Structural Collapse

Manuscript Timeline: Received: May 05, 2018; Revised: June 25, 2018; Accepted: July 15, 2018; Published: October 18, 2018

Citation: Baptiste, J. P., & Haddad, M. T. (2018). Urban Youth Marginalization, Policing Strategies, and Rebel Recruitment: Analyzing Gang Dynamics in Post-Earthquake Port-au-Prince. Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies, 9(10), 973–981. DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091002

Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies | Vol. 9, No. 10, October 2018 | pp. 964–972

DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091001

Article Type: Original Research Paper

Title: The Impact of Counter-Terrorism Legislation on Civil Society Space: A Comparative Review of Post-2015 Security Policies in East Africa

Authors: Purity W. Kamau¹, David L. Anderson²

Authors’ Affiliations: ¹School of Law, University of Nairobi, Nairobi, Kenya; ²African Studies Centre, University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom

Abstract:
Following high-profile insurgent attacks across East Africa, regional governments rapidly introduced stringent counter-terrorism statutes to fortify national security. This paper evaluates the structural impacts of these security laws on the operational space of independent civil society organizations (CSOs) in Kenya and Tanzania up to late 2017. Utilizing a comparative policy-discourse methodology alongside a qualitative survey of 64 localized human rights organizations, we examine the expansion of executive surveillance powers. The legal analysis demonstrates that broadly defined legal concepts within national security bills have been systematically utilized to freeze the financial assets and restrict the operational movement of legitimate humanitarian actors. Quantitative tracking reveals a 40% reduction in external donor funding for local human rights advocacy due to complex administrative compliance regulations. Our findings indicate that suppressing non-violent civil oversight groups diminishes community-level trust in state security organs, inadvertently expanding recruitment vulnerabilities for violent extremist factions. The study emphasizes that sustainable counter-terrorism policies must integrate independent legislative judicial oversight to protect constitutional civil liberties.

Keywords: Counter-Terrorism; Civil Society; East Africa; Human Rights; Security Policy; Executive Power

Manuscript Timeline: Received: May 02, 2018; Revised: June 22, 2018; Accepted: July 10, 2018; Published: October 12, 2018

Citation: Kamau, P. W., & Anderson, D. L. (2018). The Impact of Counter-Terrorism Legislation on Civil Society Space: A Comparative Review of Post-2015 Security Policies in East Africa. Global Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies, 9(10), 964–972. DOI: 10.46882/2018/GJPCS/091001